Iran's hidden supreme leader becomes a political tool in intensifying factional battle

Iranian political factions are increasingly using the na…

Iranian political factions are increasingly using the name of Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei as a weapon against rivals, even as doubts persist about his ability to govern, according to experts.

The internal conflict came to light in two reports by Iran International about President Masoud Pezeshkian's relationship with the new supreme leader. The first report cited senior cleric Mohammad-Bagher Kharrazi, a relative of the Khamenei family by marriage, alleging that Pezeshkian repeatedly threatened to resign and was warned that his next resignation would be accepted.

"If he resigns one more time, I will approve it," Kharrazi quoted Khamenei as saying. Pezeshkian's office strongly denied the claim, with his deputy for communications calling it "baseless and an outright lie," and an advisor saying Kharrazi had no contact with the supreme leader and was known for telling "strange stories."

Hours later, Iran International published a second repor…

Hours later, Iran International published a second report alleging Pezeshkian had met Mojtaba Khamenei only once, in a vehicle with tinted windows at a secret location in Tehran. The unnamed sources said the encounter lasted minutes, the two could not see each other, and the president was not allowed to shake hands. The report even suggested Pezeshkian questioned whether the voice he heard was truly the supreme leader's. These claims remain unverified, and Pezeshkian had previously described a much different meeting, saying he spent about two and a half hours with Khamenei in a cordial setting.

Kasra Aarabi, an expert on Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps at United Against Nuclear Iran, said the competing narratives reflect a deeper power struggle within what he called an "Islamist oligarchic mafia system." Under Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader acted as the "godfather," mediating among factions and ensuring their access to power and wealth. His removal created a vacuum that Mojtaba's appointment was meant to fill, but his prolonged public absence leaves factions unsure who is truly in charge.

"The very essence of this mafia system is built on a godfather," Aarabi said. "If the godfather is absent, whether because he is severely incapacitated or nonexistent, that vacuum re-emerges between the various Islamist oligarchic clans." He added that factions are not divided over ideology but over raw power and economic interests. In this environment, Mojtaba's name has become a political tool for factions to legitimize themselves, constrain rivals, or justify decisions of unclear origin.

Exiled Iranian journalist Mehdi Ghadimi described the re…

Exiled Iranian journalist Mehdi Ghadimi described the resignation claims as part of a recurring strategy by reformist administrations. "This is a familiar cycle," he said, noting similar rumors surrounded former presidents Mohammad Khatami and Hassan Rouhani. He argued that reformist media often continue circulating such claims even after denials, allowing officials to later portray themselves as having challenged the supreme leader. Ghadimi went further, saying he doubted Mojtaba is a functioning person, suggesting he may be dead or in a severely deteriorated condition.

Aarabi warned that using Khamenei's name as a source of authority will become increasingly difficult if his absence continues. "There's only so many times you can use someone's name without any proof of life that they actually exist," he said. "The longer Mojtaba is absent, the more questions develop over whether he is alive or able. And as soon as that doubt increases, you will see this infighting increase."